| | The Yoruba and the Hausas are among the largest ethnic groups in Nigeria. While the
Hausas live in the north of the country, the Yoruba dwell in the south western part.
Trade in cattle and kola nut brought many Hausas to settle in the Remo-Yoruba town
of Sagamu. Over the years, an harmonious relationship developed between the two
groups until the conflict of July 1999. That conflict brought about far reaching impact
not only on the town of Sagamu but also on the hitherto existing peaceful relationship
between the two ethnic groups. This paper is an historical analysis of the
Hausa/Yoruba conflict. Unlike previous studies on the subject of conflict and
ethnicity, this paper brings out the central importance of culture in the inter-
relationship between two ethnic groups living in a country. It shows that the failure to
respect the culture of one ethnic group by the other was the root cause of the
Yoruba/Hausa conflict.
Key Words: Nigeria, Ethnic, Conflict, Hausa, Yoruba.
INTRODUCTION
“...a national calamity...” (National Concord, Thursday, July 22, 1999, 1)
The above statement was made Chief Sunday Afolabi, Nigerian
Minister of Internal Affairs when he led a Federal government delegation to
Sagamu to visit the scenes of the violent ethnic clash between the Yoruba and
Hausa in July 1999. This statement summarises the magnitude of the incident
and therefore, provides a justification for its study by historians. We need to
thoroughly investigate the immediate and remote causes of the incident with
a view to making recommendations to prevent a future reoccurrence. Nigeria
Communal and Ethnic Conflicts in Nigeria
146
is no doubt a multi-ethnic country with approximately 374 ethnic groups.
Therefore, given the heterogeneous ethnic composition of the country, inter-
ethnic clashes have been a recurrent feature in the country’s history. Sagamu,
where the Hausa-Yoruba conflict took place is located about sixty-five
kilometres north of the city of Lagos. It is inhabited by a group of people
known as the Remo, a sub group of the Yoruba. The town is the largest of all
Remo towns. It is bounded in the north by Ikenne, in the south by Ogijo, in
the west by Egbaland and in the east by Ode-Remo.
Before we proceed to analyse the causes, course and impact of the
conflict, let us attempt a literature review and provide a theoretical basis for
the study. The subject of ethnic conflict has received the attention of several
Nigerian scholars. Few of such studies include that of Nnoli (1978), Otite
(1991), Albert (1994) and French Institute for Research in Africa otherwise
known as IFRA (1994). These studies have looked at the various dimensions
of ethnic violence and conflicts in Nigeria. They tried to provide explanations
for some of the inter-ethnic conflicts which have taken place in the country.
For example, conflicts have been caused by the fear of economic domination
of one ethnic group by another. Others have resulted from the frustration
experienced by a people due to their alienation from the state (IFRA, 1994:
124). What these studies have not done is to look at clashes or violence
arising from cultural conflicts. By this we mean conflict arising from the
intolerance or misunderstanding of the culture of one ethnic group by
another. This is what this paper attempts to explore. We begin by looking the
Yoruba- Hausa relations in Sagamu before the 1999 conflict.
Situation before the 1999 Conflict
The Hausa began to settle gradually in the town of Sagamu in the last decade
of the nineteenth century. They probably came as traders, Sagamu being a
strategically located commercial town in Remoland. It was located on the
important Remo trade route between Lagos and the hinterland. Tradition has
it that the Hausa originally settled in Ibido, an Sagamu town from where they
were later re-located by the Akarigbo, Oba Willian Adedoyin, to Makun,
which was a quarter within Sagamu. However, due to an increase in the
population of the Hausa, they were again moved to Sabo, a place which has
remained their dwelling place till the crisis of 1999 broke out.
Before the 1999 crisis, there was no major dispute between the Yoruba
and the Hausa in Sagamu (Ayodele, 2000). In fact, cordial political,
economic and social relations existed between the two ethnic groups.
Politically, the Hausa community did not suffer any disabilities in the town.
They had the freedom to join any political party of their choice (Olabanji &
Sobanjo, 2009:24). Not only that, they occupied an important place in the
politics of the town. The Hausa had the freedom to elect a representative to
the local government council. Thus, an Hausa man in the person of Alhaji
Dan Sagamu was once elected as a member of Offin Sagamu Local Council.
Also, Alhaji Lawal Isa was elected on the Ijebu Remo Local Government
ladipo O. Olubomehin
147
Council between 1976 and 1979 while Alhaji Aminu Umaru was elected as a
member of Remo Local Government Council from 1990 to 1991. Also,
Alhaji Sanni Aliyu was a member of Sagamu Local Government Council
between 1990 and 1991. We can therefore, see that the Hausa community of
Sabo was not excluded from the politics of Sagamu. They were not deprived
their political rights.
The Hausa were also actively involved in the economy of Sagamu. The
need to trade brought the Hausas to Sagamu. They initially started with the
cattle business. They brought cattle from northern Nigeria down to Sagamu
for sale and after the sale of the cattle, some of the money they realized was
used to buy kola nuts from the people of Sagamu which they took back to the
north for sale. The kola nut trade brought wealth and prosperity to both the
Hausas and Yoruba. It created job opportunities for the indigenes and avenue
for the farmers to dispose their kola nut. The flourishing kola nut business
helped to promote harmonious relationship between Yoruba residents in
Sagamu and the Hausas. Such was the increasing number of Hausas in
Sagamu that they were given permission by the indigenes to build a Central
Mosque in Sabo 1976 (Olabanji & Sobanjo, 2009: 24). They embarked on
other community projects such as establishment of the Islamic schools and
hospitals. All these benefited both the Hausa community and the Yoruba in
the town, thereby creating a milieu for cordial inter-ethnic relationship the
town.
On the social level, many inter-marriages had taken place between the
two ethnic groups. Not only this, many Hausas in Sagamu speak Yoruba
language and eat Yoruba food and vice versa. The Yoruba can also be seen
wearing Hausa clothes. From the above, we can see that a harmonious and
cordial relationship existed between the two ethnic groups prior to the crisis
of 1999. Indeed, an observer remarked that both “communities have always
respected the different norms, cultures and ways of life of one another”
(Ehiagiator, 1999:4). This situation of harmonious co-existence remained
until the mid-night of July Sunday July 19 when the conflict broke out.
An analysis of the causes of the Crisis
Available sources have attempted to explain what led to the crisis of July
1999 between the Yoruba and Hausa communities in Sagamu. Three
different explanations have been provided. The first and perhaps most
common explanation is that it was caused by the death of two Hausa women
said to be prostitutes who were killed during the celebration of a traditional
festival known as Oro. The women had their workshop at Star Light Hotel,
Sabo, Sagamu. They had opened the shop around 6.00p.m. till about mid-
night without any patronage. In their desperation to attract men, they moved
out of the Hotel into the street, visiting wherever there was a show. They
thought that at least in coming out they would be able to attract men’s
attention. Unfortunately, this coincided with the celebration of the annual
traditional Oro festival in Sagamu. During the week long celebrations, no
Communal and Ethnic Conflicts in Nigeria
148
woman must be seen outside between mid-night and 6.00a.m (Efunnuga,
1999:20). Indeed it was a taboo for any woman to see an Oro masquerade
and according to the tradition of Sagamu people, any woman who violated
the sacred tradition would lose her life instantly.
It was the usual practice every year for the community leaders of the
Yoruba to send out warning signals before the commencement of Oro
festival. All and sundry were usually told the rules and regulations
governing the celebration of the festival. On this particular occasion, the
Seriki Hausa, Alhaji Abdullahi admitted that the warning was sent out and
that having lived in Sagamu for decades he “knew the implication of
disobedience to cultural/traditional rules” (Olagunju, 1999:7). As such,
before the commencement of the festival he sent warning to his people.
On this particular occasion trouble broke out because two Hausa
prostitutes came out to look for clients at about 1.00am defying the tradition
that women must be in-door during the night whenever the Oro festival was
being celebrated. The disobedience of the prostitutes was what led to their
death. The death was not taken lightly by their colleagues and indeed, many
of the other Hausas residents of Sabo quarter in Sagamu. They therefore,
trooped out en masse to protest. The protest was a joint one. Meanwhile, as
far as the Oro worshippers were concerned any female found outside within
the stipulated time becomes dead. This led to heavy trouble as the aggrieved
Hausas were not willing to retreat. The protest degenerated into violence
which later brought about destruction of lives and property. The clash
became a retaliatory affair which claimed lives and left many injured
(Efunnuga, 1999:20).
While the above incident might have been the immediate cause of the
crisis, the historian is interested in knowing the remote and deep-rooted
reasons for the conflict. Newspaper evidence appears to be of help in this
regard. Evidence shows that before the incident of Sunday July 19, 1999, the
Hausa had insisted that the Yoruba Oro masqueraders celebrating their
festival must not come to Sabo, an area which had a predominant Hausa
population (Sorunke et al, 1999:2). This fact was confirmed by Chief Sanni
Owodunni, a Yoruba Youth leader in Sagamu who said that the Yoruba had
always celebrated the Oro traditional festival peacefully until about eighteen
years ago when the Hausa began to declare Sabo, “a no-go area for the
traditionalists” (Olagunju & Efunnuga, 1999:6). The indigenes however, felt
that the northerners could not restrain them in their town since the latter had
been intimated about the festival officially, through their head, the Seriki
Hausa, several days before the traditional festival began (Sorunke at al,
1999:2). Against this background, it would appear that the action of the
Hausa prostitutes was premeditated.
The cause of the Sagamu crisis has also been given a political
explanation. According to this view, the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC)
which a pan-Yoruba group, arrived in Sagamu on Monday 19 July in a hired
bus to defend their Yoruba kinsmen who were being attacked by the Hausa
(Adewunmi, 1999:5). The OPC allegedly attacked the police station at
Ewusi, Makun but they were repelled by the police. This incident led to a
violent confrontation between the OPC and the government security agents.
This situation was later reported by the Senate Committee on Internal
Affairs, led by Chief Jim Nwobodo as having caused the Sagamu crisis.
Looking closely at this account, we would see that the explanation could not
have been correct given the fact that fighting had begun in the town in the
mid-night of Sunday 18th, hours before the OPC arrived in Sagamu on
Monday July 19. How then could they have precipitated the crisis? But
according to newspaper report, the Senate Committee blamed the OPC for
the crisis.
While it is true that the OPC got involved in the crisis, there is no
evidence written or oral to say that the organisation was the cause of the
crisis. Of a truth, the involvement of the OPC led to the shooting of “no
fewer than 10” people on Monday July 19, 1999 but this was after the
conflict had already broken out in the mid-night of the previous day
(Sorunke, Memuletiwon et al, 1999:1-2). It will, therefore, be historical
incorrect to say that the OPC caused the crisis as being claimed in some
quarters. What we need to remember is that this was the dispensation of the
civilian administration and it was common to trade blames among political
parties whenever an ugly incident occurred. It may not, therefore, be
surprising to see the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) putting the
blame for the Sagamu crisis on the OPC, an organisation known for its
sympathy and support for the opposition political party, the Alliance for
Democracy (AD). However, from the point of view of history, there is no
evidence to lay the blame for the crisis at the feet of the OPC. What is certain
is that the OPC’s involvement in the conflict nearly aggravated the situation.
The Sagamu crisis has also been explained in terms of the attempts of
some elements to sabotage the administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo-
led Federal government of Nigeria. According to this view, “it was the plan
by some disgruntled elements to sabotage the government of President
Obasanjo” (Adewunmi, 1999:5). Proponents of this line of thought claimed
that certain undesirable element arrived at Sagamu some days before the
crisis and invited the Hausas residing in Sagamu into an hotel for a meeting.
It was at the meeting that “they planned and directed most Hausas living to
Sagamu to perpetrate the destructive act” (Adewunmi, 1999:5). Proponents
of this view argue that everybody whether indigenes or non-indigenes was
duly informed that the Oro festival was being celebrated and the Hausas who
violated the custom of the Yourba knew the implications of their action. It
was also said that some respectable men in Sagamu left the town before the
crisis began, giving the impression that they had a fore-knowledge of the
incident (Cheif Olusegun Ayodele, personal communication, February 6,
2009). It is further argued that since the event took place only two months
after the inauguration of the civilian administration of Chief Olusegun
Obasanjo, it could be said that the crisis was the Hausa’s way of expressing
the fact that they were not in support of a Yoruba heading the administration
of the country (Chief M. L. Gisanrin, personal communication, February 20,
2009). It is further submitted that since the incident occurred in a Yoruba
town, it was enough to embarrass the Federal government which at the time
was being headed by a Yoruba man.
This “sabotage theory” leaves room for a number of questions: What
was the basis of asking Hausas to cause a breach of peace in Sagamu with a
view to sabotaging the Federal government? Why the choice of Sagamu town
for such an act? How could such a meeting which bordered on committing a
treasonable offence have escaped the notice of government security
agencies? Moreso, even after the crisis, government agencies did not report
that the crisis was caused by such clandestine subversive meeting? Are the
advocates of this “sabotage theory” suggesting that the Hausas as a people
were gullible such that they could cheaply be used to cause crisis within the
polity? Our answer is that the Hausas were intelligent people who would not
have allowed themselves to be used to achieve any selfish goal of some
politicians. Not only this, the hotel where the secret meeting was held had no
name. It is also strange that since the end of the crisis, the security operatives
did not arrest anyone in connection with the treasonable act. Considered from
all points, therefore, the “sabotage theory” lacks concrete historical basis and
is therefore unacceptable as the cause of the 1999.
The Nature of the Conflict
The Sagamu crisis was a bloody armed conflict. Both sides in the conflict
were armed with all manners of weapons such as guns, cutlasses, matchets,
cudgels, arrows, bows and local knives. They also made use of traditional
medicines popularly referred to as juju. The fighting on both sides did not
appear to have been planned or coordinated as in modern day warfare where
military personnel strategise to defeat the enemies. In the Sagamu crisis,
attacks on each order appear to have been spontaneous and uncoordinated.
The Hausas reportedly trooped out from their dwelling place in Sabo
and started attacking sleeping innocent Yoruba people in their houses at
night. The Hausa began the attack in Ajegunle side of the town and carried it
to Sabo. They murdered Yoruba people as they moved from place to place
and burnt parked vehicles. Naturally the Yoruba and other people resident in
Sabo were panic-stricken. The situation forced the people out of their houses
because they were not sure of their safety (Olabanji & Sobanjo, 2009:24).
The Yoruba reacted by mobilising from the town and launched violent
bloody attacks on the Hausa, killing any of them they found. Within hours
law and order had broken down and the situation had gone completely out of
hand. Figures of those killed were variously put at between 60 and 120
people. The Nigerian Tribune of Monday 19 July in its front page story
reported that 50 people were killed while 60 were wounded and 80 houses
were burnt. By the following day, it reported that the death toll had gone up
to 120 people. The fighting began in the mid-night of Sunday 18 July and
continued till around 9am on Monday 19 July. Several streets in the town
were reportedly “littered” with corpses. No fewer than 100 houses and shops including three mosques, Arabic schools, hotels, hospitals, filling stations and
a bank as well as several electric gadgets, vehicles and motorcycles were
burnt in the violent clashes. The value of property destroyed was put at
5billion naira (Sorunke, 1999:1). The destruction of lives and property is
unimaginable. The fighters did not spare any category of people. Aged
people and women were part of the casualties. Many kids were killed while
some lost their parents, becoming orphans at tender age | | | |
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